Debate on Women's Reservation in Politics and Contemporary Indian Cinema: A Feminist Overview

Gender discrimination is an important cause that relegates the position of women inIndian Politics. It is a ground for denying rights and is not an argument posited in oppositionto the notion of universal rights of women. In India except for the ballot machine, women'sparticipation as contestants, elected representatives, members of the Government, and so onwas negligible. The nature of the problem is varied such as lack of time due to domesticresponsibilities, socio-cultural norms limiting mobility, and patriarchal control discouragingwomenfromcomingintoconflictwithmen.Patriarchyalwaysindicatestherampartsbetweenpubli c and private for women. The inner-outer distinction specified that the world is external,the domain of material, and the home represents the inner spiritual self. The world is typicallytreacherousterrain, the pursuitofmaterialinterestswherepracticalconsiderationreignssupreme.Itisalsoeventuallythedomainofthem ale.Inthehome,itsessenceremainsunaffectedbytheprofaneactivitiesofthematerialworld.Andthewomanisitsr epresentation(thoughindirectlyit is controlled by men). It has been observed that the identification of social roles by gendercorresponds with the separation of the social space into ‗ Ghar and Bahir . There are so manyfactorsthat in turn merelyreiteratethe real problemswomen havefaced. Often alternative films reflect our culture while simultaneously serving as an elementthat constitutes it. In this current paper the term ‗women empowerment‘ will be explored in

Patriarchy indicates a list of norms for women to restrict their mobility in the socialsphere,thustheiridentitieswouldbeconfinedtothedomesticsphere.Historicallywomenhaveneglected their individualities which have been determined by male members such as father-husband-son. Such exclusions are based on essentialist assumptions about women. They arenotdeemedcapableofexercisingrightstoself-determinationorengagingthepublicdemocratic or political process of their inferiority to men. Nevertheless, in the mid of 1970s,theagendaofpoliticalempowermentofwomenfocusedonthetermgenderjustice.Conceptually the term empowerment is a process that enables women to consider their accessand control to material, intellectual and human resources. Empowerment is the redistributionof power that challenges patriarchal ideology and male dominance. Nonetheless, still, it isquestionablewhetherpoliticalparticipationconsidersanessentialpathtowomen'sempowerment.Do their spontaneous participation lead themto be adecision-maker?
"Meru: It's impossible. How does Bhabi contest in the Panchayat election? She is illiterate,and her place is only at home. Before that, she had not even interacted with people or goneoutsidethe rooms without her Veil. Lakhubhai: Don't worry. You will take every responsibility after the election. Now we needher thumb impression. It is not necessary to discuss it with her. Women are worthless. Theirproperplaceat thekitchen in front of Chula…‖ -------(‗GodMother':1999) The above dialogue is taken from the film ‗Godmother ' (1999) where the patriarchal andtraditional discourse indicates that patriarchy constructs women as weak, biologicallyinferior, modest, and incapable of decision-making. Patriarchy becomes a historical categorywithin the originating myth of male coercion. The strength of this position, however, lies in thefact that it foregrounds patriarchal oppression as existing within all historically known modesofproductionandasasocioculturalsystemcuttingacrossclassdivisions.Traditionallytherolesofwomenwithinthefamilyareassumedtobe naturalselflessandscared. 2 Thisfilmalsovisualizedthatpatriarchyindicatesrampartsbetweenpublicandprivateforwo men.Theinner-outer distinction specified that the world is external, the domain of material, and the homerepresents the inner spiritual self. The world is typically treacherous terrain for the pursuit ofmaterialinterestswherepracticalconsiderationreignssupreme.Itisalsoeventuallythedomainofthemale.Inth ehome,itsessenceremainsunaffectedbytheprofaneactivitiesofthematerialworld,and woman is its representation (thoughindirectly it is controlled by men.

From
Govind Nihalani's ‗Samsodhan ' (1996)to the recentwebseries‗Panchayat'(2021)therearevisualizedthattocontrolwomen'ssexuality,production,andrepro duction,mencontrolwomen'smobility.TheimpositionofPardah,restrictionsonleavingdomesticspace,astrict separationofprivateandpubliclimitsontheinteractionbetweenthesexes,andsoon,allcontrolwomen'smobility andfreedom.Inthefirstpart of the film, ‗Bandit Queen' (1994) and ‗Satta ' (2002), the directors have mentioned thuswomen are controlled by men, so women are treated as private property.). Simultaneously it alsodepicts that the identification of social roles indicates the separation of the social space into ‗Gharand Bahir'. The film ‗Samsodhan' (1996) depicts a relevant point that eventually within the public /domesticdichotomy, there remains an ambiguity resulting directly from the patriarchal practices andtheoriesofourpastthathaveseriouspracticalconsequences-especiallyforwomen.Fundamental to this dichotomy from its theoretical beginnings has been the division of labourbetween the sexes. Men are assumed to be chiefly preoccupied with and responsible for theoccupations in the sphere of economic and political life, and women with those of the privatesphere of domesticity and reproduction. Women consider as ‗by nature' both unsuited to thepublicrealmandrightlydependentonmenandsubordinatedwithinthefamily.Theseassumptions do not surprisingly have pervasive effects on structuring the dichotomy and bothitscomponent spheres. 2 Awoman'sposition asawifehasbeengiventhehighestplaceoverallotherroleswhichsheisrequiredtoplaybecauseit is herethatsheis requiredtoperformthemostarduous and duties and themostdifficult ofresponsibilities.
Historically the process of women's involvement in Indian politics was linkedto the development of the Indian struggle for Independence. Nonetheless, it had the sanctionof the national political hierarchy, including those forces ideologically committed to women'ssubordinatepositiononbehalfoftradition.PoliticalactivistandonlywomenpolitburomemberoftheC PIMpartyMs.BrindaKaratexplainedinapersonalinterview,thattheissueofwomen'sequality was accepted in a generalized way although subsumed by the broader goal of thenation's freedom. She added that the patriarchal values justified that Indian women receivedpolitical rights on a salver without any struggle because of the magnanimity or the specialqualities of Indian male political leadership. When in 1917 Soviet was the first countryrecognizedtogive womentheunconditionalright tovoteithadanimpactonIndiaandwasofbenefit to Indian women in getting the right to vote without having to go through the kind ofconfrontationonthisissuethatwomenintheWestfaced.Yetthecontextofbroadinthecontextofbroadalliances formedatthetime,thecommitmentbythepoliticalleadershiptoequalrightsforwomenwasneverreallytested.Itw asonethingtoaccepttherighttovoteforIndianwomenwhenthat right wasessential forstrengthening thebiggerstruggle against Britishrule.
It was true that from the turn of the 20th century, nationalists refused to make thewomen's question an issue of political negotiation with the colonial state. Moreover, theygrantedwomenvotingrightswithoutinvolvingtheminasuffragemovement.Inotherwords,by containing the real history of the women's question within the middle-class home, thecolonial (and post-colonial) public sphere has effectively degenerated. It has been observedthat in the 20th-century political sphere, from a nationalist perspective, either women ceasedto be relevant in the next phase of the nationalist struggle or women's political rights wereresolved.During the colonial period, the British refused to grant women the right to vote andstandforelectionsonthesametermsasmen.By1930majorwomen'sorganizationswerealsodeliberatingthe questionofreservedseatsinpoliticalbodiesapartfromwomen'svotingrights.AttheAll-IndiaWomen'sConferenceinBombaySarojiniNaidu,unequivocallydeclaredthatwomendidnot wantpreferentialtreatment onthegroundofwomen'sinferiorities. 3  IntheGandhianeraofIndianpolitics,women'sparticipationinthefreedomstruggle was getting priority but he focused on the self-sacrifice image of women rather than highlighting their politicalentitlement. So, it could narrate that Gandhi's relationships with women were the conduit forturning demands for reservations or special electorates into a sign of anti-nationalist betrayal.And at the height of political nationalism, the public glorification of femininity became thevery ground for persuading women of the illegitimacy of their demands for special politicalrepresentation.Inthe1935ActBritishrefusedtoprovideanydeclarationoffundamentalrightsor nondiscrimination based on sex for holding public office. Some modifications were maderegardingqualificationsforvotingindifferentprovinces(wifehoodremainingprimary),whichexpanded maleandfemaleelectoratesto43%and9%respectively.Inthenextelectionof1937,atotalof56womencandidates enteredthelegislaturesoutofwhichonly10camefromgeneralseats and five were nominations. Women's organizations, therefore, felt specifically betrayedby Congress. If it was Gandhi who had been the most vociferous advocate against reservedseatsforwomen,theCongressnowhadlittleroomforanywomen candidatesotherthanthosewhowerecurtailedpartyworkers,inanycase.ElevenwomenwerenominatedtotheCo nstituent Assembly to participate in its deliberations on the ultimate finalization of theConstitution. According to the analysis of Vina Mazumder, it could say that the main doubtwas the willing and spontaneous participation of women in the civil disobedience movementrather than the radical ideas of sexual equality between the sexes in the Congress party andlaterin theConstitute Assembly. (Mazumder: 1979) 4 Recentwebseries,PanchayathasdepictedthatpoliciesfollowedbyGovernmentsinIndiaafterindepende ncehavenotbeenconducivetotheparticipationofwomenin publiclife. 4 Mazumder Vina, 1979, ‗Editors notes on symbols of power: women in the changing society, Allied Publisher,New Delhi, p-xvi The limitations of women in politics became clear with the end of the freedom struggle. A large sectionofwomenwhohadspontaneously participatedin theAnti-BritishMovementwouldhaveexpectedrecognizationoftheirrolebytheleadershipofpoliticalpartiesinthefirstg eneralelectionheld inIndependentIndia.However,the number of women candidates in the 1952 elections was negligible, and out of 499 candidates elected to thefirst Parliament, only 22 were women. The status was generous in issuing certificates of merit and appreciationfor the heroic sacrifice of our mothers and sisters, the Patriarchy did not consider them heroic enough tocontemplate sharing power with. The Parliamentary debates on the Hindu Code Bill in India's first electedParliament were indicative of not only the hostility to equal rights for women in a substantial section of politicalleadership but also of the proclivity of the Indian state to compromise with such forces in violation of its ownConstitution.
When women have seen family careers to the exclusion of other roles, there is very little helpgenerally from male members of the family. When social stereotyping is backed by statenegligence in providing any backup infrastructural facilities to help lessen the burden ofdomesticresponsibility,itisextremelydifficultforwomentocomeintopoliticsinasustainedway.Husbandsw hodosupporttheirwivesinpublicorpoliticalworkoften mustgothrough‗Joru ka Gulam' syndrome and such social comments often lead to withdrawal of support.
AsLotikaSarkarandVinaMazumderacknowledgedin1974-75,intheirnoteofdissentover the issue of political reservations for women (in the context of the preparation of theTowards Equality Report on the Status of Women in India for the United Nations), being firm‗believersinequalrightsforwomen'wenthand-in-handwithcriticizingthesystemofreservationsofScheduledCasteandScheduledTribes,-asalegacyofcolonialp eriodinstitutionalizing backwardness of a certain section of our population.‖ It was only theirexplorationsintothegenerallydeprivedstatusofwomenafterIndependence.Includingwomen's surprisingly low representation within the legislatures, which forced them to realizethatapplyingtheprincipleofequalityinacontextthatwasunequalonlyintensifiedinequalities. However, they were unable to convince other members of the committee of thatnew stance. They even pointed out that, in recent years the representative base of malelegislatures had been expanding and changing its class composition. They mentioned -In thecase of women…the story is quite different…the background of women's legislatures isconsiderably narrower and represents mainly the dominant strata of our society‖ (Sarkar:Mazumdar: 2008) Along with that criticism those women representatives lacked the sense ofthegroundrealitiesandanycloselinkswithwomenissues.Itisinterestingtonoteinthecontextthat the only kind of reservations that foundfavour by the committee werereservationsattheleveloflocal Government-primarily thevillagecouncils orPanchayat. 5

SarkarLatika,MazumdarVina,2008,‗DissentingVoices'inDhandaMeena'sedited‗Reservationsforwomen'
NewDelhi, WomenUnlimited, p-11-17. In 1985, at Nairobi Conference, the point of negligence to the involvement of women in Indian politics wascritically discussed. Despite low literacy levels which restricted their participation in other spheres of activity insociety, women's participation in politics, both as voters and candidates had been showing a constant upwardtrend.However,nosignificantwomenrelatedissueshadbeenthrownupovertheyears.Thedocumentpointed It was very significant that after implementation of one-third of seats at local, state, andnational levels, indicated increased numbers of women in legislative bodies. Nevertheless, itwas very shocking that the women's reservation even had been pending for the past fewdecades and was only passed in Rajya Sabha in March 2010. The distance between theLoksabhaandRajyasabhawas10steps andthebillshouldbe sabotagedinthenameofconsensus.Nonetheless,the‗announcementofreservationforwomen'openednewchap ters ofdebatesinthe context of women's political empowerment. Filmslike ‗Samsodhan', ‗Satta', Thalaivii, and Panchayat have raised the issue that, does the reservationpolicy bring out authentic political empowerment for women? or is it just an eyewash?does itindicate women are improperly swayed and are influenced by male relatives or other malepoliticians?
" outthatwoman'spowerhadremainedlargelyunderutilizedinIndia-bythepolityingeneralandpoliticalpartiesin particular. It felt that there was a great scope for collectivization and articulation of their demands in Indianpolitics. On reservation of seats for women in the legislatures, the paper stated that although it could provide ashort-term solution, in the long run, it might prove to be counterproductive because it might fail to convince thepeopleoftheinequalitiesandmightontheotherhandhidetherealityofdiscriminationagainstwomen,whomig htalienate the leadership from the masses and the real issues affecting them. There was also an inherent possibilityof harm to the individual women's sense of autonomy and dignity. With the influence of the Nairobi ConferenceNational, Perspective Plan was formulated by India in 1988. The plan made several recommendations oneducating and sensitizing not only women but also people in power on the need to get women into active politicsand on women's issues. It also suggested that the Government should take the initiative for the effectiveparticipationofwomenatnational,state,andlocaldecisionmakinglevelsnotinsoftsectorsbutinthecoresectorsofdevelopment.
Indar: you don't need to go anywhere. We just need your signature on the nomination form. Iand Papaji will manage everything. You will just represent as so-called 'Panch'. We will controleverything‖.
------(Samsodhan: 1996) 6 The above dialogue has been taken from the film ‗Samsodhan' (1996). Director GovindNihalani tried to establish the argument that, after the implementation of women's reservationin panchayat elections, the inferior position of women has never changed. It has been observedthat many male members of political parties have chosen women candidates fromtheir own families or communities, thus the power control would be centralized within thefamily or clan. Their director visualized the sequence in a high-angle shot, thus the inferiorityandsubordinate position would be maintained.
After the implementation of seat reservation for women in a panchayat at the Nationallevel, the first argument came against quota from several feminist groups which is famous asthe ‗proxy argument'. Scholars like Madhu Kiswar, and Nivedita Menon argued that manywomencandidateswouldbecontestedbyproxyfortheirhusband,father,orfather-inlaw.Thecriticsfocusedonthequestionofwhichwomenwouldbenefitfromwomen'squotassincethebilldidnots pecifycriterioneligibilityotherthansex.Thus,MadhuKiswareditorof‗Manushi'arguedthatfamilialwaslikelyt oannihilatethedemocratizingpotentialofthebill.Sheargued,-…chancesarethatwewillbesaddledwithmorebi wi-betibrigadesbecauseleadersarelikelyto resort to fielding their mothers or sisters or wives to ensure that the women's quota stayswithin their control.‖ (kiswar: 1996) Scholars like Jay Prakash Narayan, Dhirubhai Seth, andYogendra Yadav also argued that in such a situation there was likely to be greater resentmentagainst women, undermining the very objective of the Bill. Those men who got pushed out oftheir constituencies or who observed their friends' side lined up would either sabotage femalecontenders in revenge or spend much of their political capital to help their female relativesconcerning those reserved seats. Such proxies would be expected to keep the seat safe for themen until the next election when they wouldagain try toreclaim their seats. (NarayanJayprakash,SetheDhirubhai, Yadav Yogendra,Kiswar Madhu:2004). 6 The dialogue has been taken from the film ‗Samsodhan' (1996), directed by Govind Nihalani.The film was a strong documentation in favor of women's reservation and their spontaneousparticipationin the Panchayat election. Interestingly the second argument came from backward-class leaders who saw theWomen's Reservation Bill as a kind of elite conspiracy. They thought that reservation wouldlikely benefit mostly those women who belonged to the privileged or elite section of society.Gender justice would thus be a mere face they said and social justice might suffer fromwomen'squotas.Thus,OBCleadershadbeendemandingfrom1996onwardsthatasubquotabedefinedwithinthewomen'squotaforbackwardcastewomenalongwithexistingsub-quotasfor SC and ST women (most recently sub-quota was also demanded for women belonging tominority communities). Leader Uma Bharti first claimed that the legislation did not provideguarantees for Backward Class women. Her argument was the most oppressed segment ofsociety was backward-class women and their voices were the most limited in Government. Aleader of Rashtriya Janta Dal Raghuvansh Pratap Singh  2007) highlighted that OBC men did not want a reservation for women.OBC women were insulted by repeated statements of those claiming to respect them, whovirtually said that in comparison to women of the upper castes, they were not capable ofwinning seats. The film was shot at Khagar village, in Bihar. There visualized when Zinnat an OBCwomanwantedtocontestinthePanchayatelectionthenshewasthreatenedbyotherOBCmale members of the same village. Nevertheless, when she complained about her harassmentthenshewaskidnappedandbrutallysexuallyassaultedbyotherbackward-classmalemembers. But the main positive side of the film is that with the influence of her determinationat last Zinnat was able to contest in the panchayat election and as the first women OBCcandidate she was elected as Panch in Khagaria village. The film highlighted that the problemwasnotthatbackwardclasswomenwerenotcapableofwinningseats,butthatOBCmenwhodistributed tickets refused to share with them the benefits of the increased clout they hadachieved in the post-Mondal mobilizations. Even in the case of nominations to legislativeCouncilsorRajyaSabhawhatdidonemakeofthefactthatonlylastmonthdidtheloanwomanto be nominated from Bihar for the Rajya Sabha by the RJD belong to the upper cast? TheDirector of the film raised a pertinent question what prevented those who had declared warostensiblyon behalf ofOBC women, fromnominating one in the parliament?
A third eminent question against reservation came at the end of the nineties on the issue ofthe‗efficiency'argument,underliningthedifficultyoffindingenoughsuitablecandidatesandtherefore the risk of incompetent people being elected. Madhu Kiswar argued that -we shouldtry to bring a qualitative change with women's participation in elected assemblies rather thanbringitdownfurtherwithsimplyjoiningaspuppetsinthatunholyenterprise.‖ (KiswarMadhu:1996). The debate about ‗efficiency and merit' tied into the understanding of discrimination.Short film ‗MujhePankh De dyo: ChaviRajawat episode there visualized that when Chaviwished to contest in the Panchayat election there, she faced the question of her efficiency,thoughChaviwas enough educated and accomplished. I n GovindNihalani'sfilm ‗Samsodhan ' (1996), there also visualized that when protagonist Vidya won the Panchayatelection and started to interfere in village development, then other male Panch members andSarpanch raised questions about Vidya's efficiency. They claimed since women were suitablein the home as wivesmothers-daughters-in-law and they were not comfortable in the publicsphere or external affairs so as ‗bumiputra' it was their duty to take every decision on behalfof the womenPanch in theissueof development intheir village. Inthefilm‗Deoal'(2008)therehasvisualizedthatalthoughwomencandidateshaveparticipated in their electioneering with vigor, most of the manipulative caste politics is handledby men. In some cases, the husbands even printed their names on the posters instead oftheir wives to show that they are the de facto candidates.
This attitude of the husbands isstretchedtotheextentthatinsomeplaces,victoryprocessionshavebeentakenout.InGovindNihalani's ‗Samsodhan ' (1996) there are visualized that several elected women are facing differenttypesofproblems.Inmanyplaces,thereisaconstantbattlewiththemalesarpancheswho is waiting to discover a mistake made by the women sarpanches to pounce on them andget them disqualified? Out of disgust some elected women have already started getting disillusionedandarewillingtogobacktotheirdomesticlives.Inseveralinstances,thegramshevaks havenot beencooperating with thewomen's sarpanches. In that episodetherevisualizedthatinChamligheravillageofWestMidnaporeinWestBengalanincumbentDalitwoma nDhangriMurmurwhocontestedin2008atvillagecouncilor post on behalf of the Communist Party of India (Marxists), was beaten up and abused byopponent political groups when she led an inquiry into a dubious land deal. Both her hands ofherwerebroken and shewas gang-raped.
Asaudio-visualdocumentation,Indianparallelfilmsfocusedontheissueofviolence against women in the aspect of their spontaneous participation in politics. Severalcasestudiesmentioned,womenpoliticiansarementallyandevensexuallyharassedbymale politicians. Earlier in Orissa, an up sarpanch, Ms. Basmati Bara of Kutra panchayat ofSundergarhdistricthadcomplainedofsexualharassmentbytheMinisterofthepanchayat.Thecase had been taken up by the National Commission for Women. In Uttar Pradesh, 60years old Limon Devi, a woman Pradhan was murdered on 14th September 1999. She was Pradhan ofBarauli Village in Bharatpur District. It has been alleged that her independent way of workingwas not liked by the Upa-pradhan who wanted to misuse the powers of the gram panchayat.Eight armed persons attacked the house of Limon Devi at 8 am on 14th September 1999 andgunned her down. Her husband and son had also been assaulted. On 29th March 2001, thePresident of Urappakkam Panchayat in Tamil Nādu, Menka was hacked to death by a four-member gang, when she was attending to her work in the office at 11.30 am. Four membersarmed with long knives entered the office and before Menaka realized what was happening,theyattackedher.Shereceivedinjuriestotheneck,head,andfaceanddiedonthespot.Thefilm ‗Samsodhan' (1996), ‗Godmother' (1999), and Thalaivii (2021) there are visualized thatwomencandidateshavefacedassaultswhentheyhavetakendevelopmentalstepsforvillagers.In the film ‗God Mother' Protagonist Rambhi is killed by the opponent group when sheimplemented inter-religion marriage in her village. Simultaneously in the film ‗Samsodhan '(1996) there protagonist Vidya's house is ransacked, and her husband is threatened when shewanted to remove the corruption from Grampanchayat.
And she has attacked several timeswhenshehasdeterminedtoreopentheprimaryschoolinthevillageforremovingchildlabor. injusticesofanunequalsocietyhas graduallymadeevident.DirectorNihalnihasexplainedatransitionthroughthecharacterofprotagonistVidya,ho washyhousewife would turn into an as efficient and progressive decision-maker. Director also has technically visualized this. When Vidya is confused then he has used wide angle lance to focus onherlackofconfidenceinotherconfidentmalevillagecouncilors.Butwhenshedecidedtofight against corruption, caste oppression, and labour oppression and was determined to reopen primary school at her council the director took a close-up shot to visualize her realization ofpolitical empowerment. When protagonist Vidya realized that as a woman village councilor,sheisdominatedbymenandifshewillwanttodevoteherselftothedevelopmentofthevillage,she must overcome barriers of male dominance then the director has used high focus lance.WhenVidyasharedherfeelingswithhermother-in-lawNihalnitookaclose-upshottoanalyzeVidya'sself-actualization. Thedialogueis mentioned inthesequence.
DirectorNihalnihastriedtoproveinherfilm‗Samsodhan'thatparticipationinpoliticsis a crucial element in the struggles for democratization. It has contributed to the creation andexpansion of civil society as well as having been critical to the claims of various marginalizedgroups to representation in national political institutions. He has given me in an interview thatthe rising of social movements in the 1970s and 1980s has generated a double move from acritique of capitalism to an interest in the often played supportive roles in sheltering activities, nursing, or messenger in orderground movements. And in emergencies and crises, women have also taken overleadershipand sustainedthe movements. It is argued that if women enter the corridors of power, they will be able to take upwomen's issues within State structures and effect changes in the party and localbodies. The documentary film ‗Gulabi Gang' (2012) 8 based on Sampat Devi Pal'sactivitiestherehighlightedthatMatterscametoaheadlastweekof2012whenthe`gang' members stormed the Atarra police station demanding the release of Bare Lal,husband of a gang member, Sushila. He was detained following a dispute over theconstruction of a water channel in Atarra. Sampat Devi Pal's `gang' has around 35membersandafreshrecruitmentdrivehasbeenlaunchedwithRs200astheregistrationfeeforenlistinginthe'ga ng'.FilmmakerNishthaJainwillbescreeningtwoof her documentaries in Hyderabad -Gulabi Gang that narrates a complex story offeminism and City of Photos in which she has led us into dingy neighborhood studiosgivingshapeto small and largepicture-perfect dreams.
When Nishtha first heard of Sampat Pal and her Gulabi Gang 9 in 2008, she wassurprised.-ThismovementbeganinabackwardregionlikeBundelkhandandtheganghad70,000membersin 2008.Nowtheyareover400,000.Mostwomenareuneducated,have limited exposure beyond their homes and fields, and come from lower strata ofsociety,‖ 10 The filmmaker shot for 45 to 50 days in Bundelkhand between September2010 and February 2011, when the gang was 150,000-member strong and led by 13commandersindifferentdistricts.Itisn'tgoingtobeasimplestoryofrevolution.Manywomen,haveexplained Nishtha,areindifferentstagesofunderstandingandexercisingtheir rights. -The womenI observed were invaried stages of consciousness andempowerment.There'sadifferencebetweenpreachingidealismandputtingitto 8 Recently Filmisalso madeon'GulabGang'in2014. 9 The 'gang' owes its name to the strict dress code imposed by Pal. All members have to be dressed in pinksareesandblousesandfunctionedasselfstyledvigilantesinaregionwherepowerandpelfliterallyflowedfrom the barrel of the gun. But the `Gulabi gang' was a non-political organization, bereft of any ideologyorpoliticalleanings,thoughtheBahujanSamajParty andtheSamajwadiParty havetriedto wooPal. 10 Nishita'sinterviewhastakenon2013MayatIndianHabitedCentre,NewDelhi practice. Some women of the gang had their troubles at home‖. 11 Nishtha observed themembers of the gang taking up cases about dowry deaths, sexual assaults, womenscorned for inter-caste marriages and beyond the boundaries of feminism, looking intoday-to-dayissueslikenon-issuanceofrationand BPLcards.-Thewomenweresucharallyingforce,travelinginunsafeareasarmedwiththeirlathis,‖hasexplained Nishtha.Initially,theganghascomeunderflakforusingthelathi.Thoughthewomenstilltravelwith lathis, they do not give in to violence. -Women use the lathis for self-defense;older women also use them as walking sticks.‖ 12 Simultaneously there also visualizedthat the group has access to state resources that can support women's groups andprovideservicesforthem.Theirpositionandactionscanlegitimizethewomen'scauseintheeyes of thepeopleand parties.
In the film ‗God Mother (1999) Women have in a short while learned the skills ofmanaging, debating, and policy making. They have generated a lot of confidence in not onlythemselves but amongst neighbouring women and villages. Women are more likely and lessafraid of approaching women co-operators directly rather than male ones. Whatever womenhave contested regardless of whether they have won or lost, they created waves of confidenceanddetermination. However,themainreasonforencouragingthosewomenwhohavefeltlikesteppingintothepoliticalworldis notsuchreasonsorthefactthattheycanbringservicesforwomenorthatthey will humanize or clean up politics. But their presence will herald the erosion of one areaofthesexualdivisionoflabourbetweenmenandwomeninsociety-menintheoutside,publicworld, and women in the private world of the home. It will challenge the cliché that politics isno place for women. And the acceptance of women as leaders will in the long run change tosomedegreetheprevalenthumiliatingandcondescendingattitudetowardswomeningeneral.In the film ‗Samsodhan' (1996) when protagonist Vidya has found corruption in hervillagecouncilandvillagers,contractuallaborersarecheatedbySarpanchIndarSingh,immediately she challengedthe Sarpanch andhasdecided that the primary schoolwill 11 ibid 12 ibid reopen the abandoned half-constructed building. She has gathered all women villagersand other women village councilors against Sarpanch to get proper justice. When shecharged sarpanch Indarsingh with corruption then director Nihalani visualized thesequenceusingatelephotolensandtookaclose-upshottonarratethestrongdeterminationofVidya. In the film ‗God Mother' there director Vinay Sukla visualized that on the first day ofRambhi's political journey, she devoted her life to the development of her village.Though she has turned from housewife to God Mother nevertheless she has carefullyhandledeveryissue,fromwater,health,reopeningschools,andspreadingadulteducation to the interreligious marriage of Muslim boy Arsad and Hindu girl Sejal. Inevery step of her journey, she has fought against patriarchal social strata. She has evengiven her life to stop communal carnage. So, the premise is that there is a particularfemalepsycherelatedtomotherhoodandcareforthereproductivefunctionofwomen,which makes her biologically the best candidate for public life. According to theargument women who are child bearers are intrinsically more likely to be votaries ofpeace,the harmony ofhonesty of being protectorsofthe environment,and so on.